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Minneapolis Public Schools enroll over 35,000 students in public primary and secondary schools. The district administers about 100 public schools, including 45 elementary schools, seven middle schools, seven high schools, eight special education schools, eight alternative schools, nineteen contract alternative schools, and five charter schools. With authority granted by the state legislature, the school board makes policy, selects the superintendent, and oversees the district's budget, curriculum, personnel, and facilities. In 2017, the graduation rate was 66 percent.[276] Students speak over 100 languages at home and most school communications are printed in English, Hmong, Spanish, and Somali.[277][278] Some students attend public schools in other school districts chosen by their families under Minnesota's open enrollment statute.[279] Besides public schools, the city has more than 20 private schools and academies, and about 20 additional charter schools.[280] Colleges and universities See also: Minnesota State Colleges and Universities System striking geometric metallic building in front of more traditional ones University of Minnesota teaching art museum, teaching hospital, and student union (left to right) Minneapolis's collegiate scene is dominated by the main campus of the University of Minnesota, where more than 50,000 undergraduate, graduate, and professional students attend 20 colleges, schools, and institutes.[281] The university offers free tuition to students from Minnesota families earning less than $50,000 per year.[282] The graduate school programs with exceptional, top-five national rankings in 2020 were health care management, nursing, midwifery, pharmacy, and clinical psychology.[283] The university has unusual constitutional autonomy that has existed in three US states since 1851, when the provision was included in Minnesota's constitution.[284] Augsburg University, Minneapolis College of Art and Design, and N

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he city was founded in 1854[8] by the German Land Company of Chicago. The city was named after the city of Neu-Ulm in the state of Bavaria in southern Germany.[9] Ulm and Neu-Ulm are twin cities, with Ulm being situated on the Baden-Württemberg side of the Danube River and Neu-Ulm on the Bavarian side. In part due to the American city's German heritage, it became a center for brewing in the Upper Midwest. It is home to the August Schell Brewing Company. The Sioux called it Wakzupata which roughly means the "village on the cottonwood".[10] In 1856, the Settlement Association of the Socialist Turner Society ("Turners") helped to secure the future of New Ulm. The Turners (German for "gymnasts") originated in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century, whose motto was "Sound Mind, Sound Body". Their clubs combined gymnastics with lectures and debates about the issues of the day. Following the failed Revolutions of 1848, numerous Germans emigrated to the United States. In their new land, Turners formed associations (Vereins) throughout the eastern, midwestern, and western states. This was the largest secular German-American organization in the country in the nineteenth century. Following a series of attacks by nativist mobs in major cities such as Chicago, Cincinnati, and Louisville, a national convention of Turners authorized the formation of a colony on the frontier. Intending to develop a community that expressed Turner ideals, the Settlement Association joined the Chicago Germans who had struggled here due to a lack of capital. The Turners supplied that, as well as hundreds of colonists from the east who arrived in 1856.[11] The city plan represented Turner ideals. The German Land Company hired Christian Prignitz to complete the plan for New Ulm, which was filed in April 1858. This master plan for New Ulm expressed a grand vision of the city's future. At the heart of the community stood blocks reserved for Turner Hall, the county courthouse, and a public school, representing the political, social, and educational center of the community. The westernmost avenues were named after American heroe

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During the five-year history of the Islamic Emirate, the Taliban regime interpreted the Sharia in accordance with the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence and the religious edicts of Mullah Omar.[16] The Taliban forbade pork and alcohol, many types of consumer technology such as music,[16] television,[16] and film,[16] as well as most forms of art such as paintings or photography,[16] male and female participation in sport,[16] including football and chess;[16] recreational activities such as kite-flying and keeping pigeons or other pets were also forbidden, and the birds were killed according to the Taliban's ruling.[16] Movie theaters were closed and repurposed as mosques.[16] Celebration of the Western and Iranian New Year was forbidden.[16] Taking photographs and displaying pictures or portraits was forbidden, as it was considered by the Taliban as a form of idolatry.[16] Women were banned from working,[16] girls were forbidden to attend schools or universities,[16] were requested to observe purdah and to be accompanied outside their households by male relatives; those who violated these restrictions were punished.[16] Men were forbidden to shave their beards and required to let them grow and keep them long according to the Taliban's liking, and to wear turbans outside their households.[16][17] Communists were systematically executed. Prayer was made compulsory and those who did not respect the religious obligation after the azaan were arrested.[16] Gambling was banned,[16] and thieves were punished by amputating their hands or feet.[16] In 2000, the Taliban leader Mullah Omar officially banned opium cultivation and drug trafficking in Afghanistan;[16][18][19] the Taliban succeeded in nearly eradicating the majority of the opium production (99%) by 2001.[18][19][20] Under the Taliban governance of Afghanistan, both drug users and dealers were severely prosecuted.[16] Cabinet ministers and deputies were mullahs with a "madrasah education." Several of them, such as the Minister of Health and Governor of the State bank, were primarily military commanders who were ready to leave their administrative posts to fight when needed. Military reverses that trapped them behind lines or led to their deaths increased the chaos in the national administration.[21] At the national level, "all senior Tajik, Uzbek and Hazara bureaucrats" were replaced "with Pashtuns, whether qualified or not." Consequently, the ministries "by and large ceased to function."[22] Rashid described the Taliban government as "a secret society run by Kandaha

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Minneapolis is currently a majority holding for the Minnesota Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party (DFL), an affiliate of the Democratic Party, and had its last Republican mayor in 1973.[253] DFL council member Jacob Frey was elected mayor of Minneapolis in 2017, and was re-elected in 2021.[254] In 2021, a ballot question shifted more power from the city council to the mayor,[255] a change that proponents had tried to achieve since the early 20th century.[256] Parks, taxation, and public housing are semi-independent boards that levy their own taxes and fees, which are subject to Board of Estimate and Taxation limits.[257] The Minneapolis City Council represents the city's 13 wards. The city adopted instant-runoff voting in 2006, first using it in the 2009 elections.[258] The council is progressive; it has 12 DFL council members and one from the Democratic Socialists of America.[259] Andrea Jenkins was unanimously chosen as president of the City Council in 2022.[260] In 2022, the 13-member council has seven political newcomers and for the first time has a majority of non-White council members.[260] At the federal level, Minneapolis is within Minnesota's 5th congressional district, which since 2018 has been represented by Democrat Ilhan Omar, one of the first two practicing Muslim women and the first Somali-American in Congress. Minnesota's US Senators, Amy Klobuchar and Tina Smith, were elected or appointed while living in Minneapolis, and are also Democrats.[261] In 2015, the City Council passed a resolution making fossil fuel divestment city policy,[262] joining 17 cities worldwide in the Carbon Neutral Cities Alliance. Minneapolis' climate plan calls for an 80 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050.[263] Minneapolis has a separation ordinance that directs local law-enforcement officers not to "take any law enforcement action" for the sole purpose of finding undocumented immigrants, nor to ask an individual about his or her immigration status.[264] A half-dozen officers wearing light blue shirts, black gas masks and black bullet-proof vests, carrying long tear gas launchers, standing in front of a corner brick and glass building with boarded up windows, identified with the seal of Minneapolis and "Minneapolis Police" in large white letters Police guard the third precinct the day before it was burned down during the George Floyd protests. The city council unanimously approved Frey's budget of $1.66 billion for 2023, after the council made amendments that moved a few civilian police jobs to oversight and to immigration.[265] The source of funding is a 6.5 percent property tax increase in 2023.[265] The US Justice Department[266] and the Minnesota Department of Human Rights.[267] have been investigating policing practices in Minneapoli

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The city's parks are governed and operated by the Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board, an independent park district with broader powers than any other parks agency in the US.[236] Foresight, donations, and effort by community leaders enabled Horace Cleveland to create his finest landscape architecture, preserving geographical landmarks and linking them with boulevards and parkways.[237] The city's Chain of Lakes, consisting of seven lakes and Minnehaha Creek, is connected by bicycle paths, and running and walking paths, and are used for swimming, fishing, picnics, boating, and ice skating. A parkway for cars, a bikeway for riders, and a walkway for pedestrians run parallel along the 52-mile (84 km) route of the Grand Rounds National Scenic Byway.[238] Theodore Wirth is credited with developing the parks system.[239] Approximately 15 percent of land in Minneapolis is parks, in accordance with the 2020 national median, and 98 percent of residents live within one-half mile (0.8 km) of a park.[240] Five seniors skating wearing navy uniforms and white hats, another game is visible behind them Over-50 bracket in the U.S. Pond Hockey Championships Parks are interlinked in many places, and the Mississippi National River and Recreation Area connects regional parks and visitor centers. The country's oldest public wildflower garden, the Eloise Butler Wildflower Garden and Bird Sanctuary, is located within Theodore Wirth Park, which is shared with Golden Valley and is about 90 percent of the area of Central Park, New York City.[241] Minnehaha Park contains the 53-foot (16 m) waterfall Minnehaha Falls, and is one of the city's oldest and most popular parks.[242] The regional park received over 2,050,000 visitors in 2017.[243] In the bestselling and often-parodied 19th-century epic poem The Song of Hiawatha, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow named Hiawatha's wife Minnehaha for the Minneapolis waterfall.[244] The five-mile (8 km), hiking-only Winchell Trail runs along the Mississippi River, and offers views of and access to the Mississippi Gorge and a rustic hiking experience.[245] Minneapolis's climate provides opportunities for winter activities such as ice fishing, snowshoeing, ice skating, cross-country skiing, and sledding at many parks and lakes between December and March.[246] When there is sufficient snowfall or in t

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As of 2020, the Minneapolis–St. Paul area is the second-largest economic center in the American Midwest behind Chicago.[127] Early the city's history, millers were required to pay for wheat with cash during the growing season, and then to store the wheat until it was needed for flour. This required large amounts of capital, which stimulated the local banking industry and made Minneapolis a major financial center.[128] As of mid-2022, Minneapolis area employment is primarily in trade, transportation, utilities, education, health services, professional and business services. Smaller numbers are employed in manufacturing, leisure and hospitality; mining, logging, and construction.[129] The Twin Cities metropolitan area has the seventh-highest concentration of major corporate headquarters in the US as of 2021,[130] and in 2020, four Fortune 500 corporations were headquartered within the city limits of Minneapolis.[131] American companies with US offices in Minneapolis include Accenture, Bellisio Foods,[132] Canadian Pacific, Coloplast,[133] RBC[134] and Voya Financial.[135] The National Institute for Pharmaceutical Technology & Education has Minneapolis headquarters. As of 2020, the Minneapolis metropolitan area contributes $273 billion or 74% to the gross state product of Minnesota.[136] Measured by gross metropolitan product per resident ($62,054), as of 2015, Minneapolis is the fifteenth richest city in the US.[137] In 2011, the area's $199.6 billion gross metropolitan product and its per capita personal income ranked 13th in the US.[138] The Minneapolis Grain Exchange, which w

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In 1886, when Martha Ripley founded Maternity Hospital for both married and unmarried mothers, Minneapolis made changes to rectify discrimination against unmarried women.[36] Known initially as a kindly physician, mayor Doc Ames made his brother police chief, ran the city into corruption, and tried to leave town in 1902.[37] Lincoln Steffens published Ames's story in "The Shame of Minneapolis" in 1903.[38] Minneapolis has a long history of structural racism[39] and has large racial disparities in housing, income, health care, and education.[40][41] Some historians and commentators have said White Minneapolitans used discrimination based on race against the city's non-White residents. As White settlers displaced the indigenous population during the 19th century, they claimed the city's land,[42] and Kirsten Delegard of Mapping Prejudice explains that today's disparities evolved from control of the land.[41] In 1910, Minneapolis "was not a particularly segregated place".[41] Discrimination increased when flour milling moved to the east coast and the economy declined.[43] During the early 20th century, bigotry presented in several ways. In 1910, a Minneapolis developer wrote restrictive covenants based on race and ethnicity into his deeds. Other developers copied the practice, preventing Asian and African Americans from owning or leasing certain properties. Though such language was prohibited by state law in 1953 and by the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968, restrictive covenants against minorities remained in many Minneapolis deeds as recently as 2021, when the city gave residents a means to remove them.[44][45] The Ku Klux Klan entered family life but was only effectively a force in the city from 1921 until 1923.[46] The gangster Kid Cann engaged in bribery and intimidation between the 1920s and the 1940s.[47] After Minnesota passed a eugenics law in 1925, the proprietors of Eitel Hospital sterilized about 1,000 people at Faribault State Hospital.[48] From the end of World War I in 1918 until 1950, antisemitism was commonplace in Minneapolis—Carey McWilliams called the city the anti-Semitic capital of the United States.[49] A hate group called the Silver Legion of America held meetings in the city from 1936 to 1938.[50] In 1948, Mount Sinai Hospital opened as the city's first hospital to employ members of minority races and religions.[51][50] group of men holding pipes confronting police on street seen from above Battle between striking teamsters and police, Minneapolis general strike of 1934 During the financial downturn of the Great Depression, the violent Teamsters Strike of 1934 led to laws acknowledging workers' rights.[52] Mayor Hubert Humphrey helped the city establish fair employment practices and

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In 1886, when Martha Ripley founded Maternity Hospital for both married and unmarried mothers, Minneapolis made changes to rectify discrimination against unmarried women.[36] Known initially as a kindly physician, mayor Doc Ames made his brother police chief, ran the city into corruption, and tried to leave town in 1902.[37] Lincoln Steffens published Ames's story in "The Shame of Minneapolis" in 1903.[38] Minneapolis has a long history of structural racism[39] and has large racial disparities in housing, income, health care, and education.[40][41] Some historians and commentators have said White Minneapolitans used discrimination based on race against the city's non-White residents. As White settlers displaced the indigenous population during the 19th century, they claimed the city's land,[42] and Kirsten Delegard of Mapping Prejudice explains that today's disparities evolved from control of the land.[41] In 1910, Minneapolis "was not a particularly segregated place".[41] Discrimination increased when flour milling moved to the east coast and the economy declined.[43] During the early 20th century, bigotry presented in several ways. In 1910, a Minneapolis developer wrote restrictive covenants based on race and ethnicity into his deeds. Other developers copied the practice, preventing Asian and African Americans from owning or leasing certain properties. Though such language was prohibited by state law in 1953 and by the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968, restrictive covenants against minorities remained in many Minneapolis deeds as recently as 2021, when the city gave residents a means to remove them.[44][45] The Ku Klux Klan entered family life but was only effectively a force in the city from 1921 until 1923.[46] The gangster Kid Cann engaged in bribery and intimidation between the 1920s and the 1940s.[47] After Minnesota passed a eugenics law in 1925, the proprietors of Eitel Hospital sterilized about 1,000 people at Faribault State Hospital.[48] From the end of World War I in 1918 until 1950, antisemitism was commonplace in Minneapolis—Carey McWilliams called the city the anti-Semitic capital of the United States.[49] A hate group called the Silver Legion of America held meetings in the city from 1936 to 1938.[50] In 1948, Mount Sinai Hospital opened as the city's first hospital to employ members of minority races and religions.[51][50] group of men holding pipes confronting police on street seen from above Battle between striking teamsters and police, Minneapolis general strike of 1934 During the financial downturn of the Great Depression, the violent Teamsters Strike of 1934 led to laws acknowledging workers' rights.[52] Mayor Hubert Humphrey helped the city establish fair employment practices and

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In 1886, when Martha Ripley founded Maternity Hospital for both married and unmarried mothers, Minneapolis made changes to rectify discrimination against unmarried women.[36] Known initially as a kindly physician, mayor Doc Ames made his brother police chief, ran the city into corruption, and tried to leave town in 1902.[37] Lincoln Steffens published Ames's story in "The Shame of Minneapolis" in 1903.[38] Minneapolis has a long history of structural racism[39] and has large racial disparities in housing, income, health care, and education.[40][41] Some historians and commentators have said White Minneapolitans used discrimination based on race against the city's non-White residents. As White settlers displaced the indigenous population during the 19th century, they claimed the city's land,[42] and Kirsten Delegard of Mapping Prejudice explains that today's disparities evolved from control of the land.[41] In 1910, Minneapolis "was not a particularly segregated place".[41] Discrimination increased when flour milling moved to the east coast and the economy declined.[43] During the early 20th century, bigotry presented in several ways. In 1910, a Minneapolis developer wrote restrictive covenants based on race and ethnicity into his deeds. Other developers copied the practice, preventing Asian and African Americans from owning or leasing certain properties. Though such language was prohibited by state law in 1953 and by the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968, restrictive covenants against minorities remained in many Minneapolis deeds as recently as 2021, when the city gave residents a means to remove them.[44][45] The Ku Klux Klan entered family life but was only effectively a force in the city from 1921 until 1923.[46] The gangster Kid Cann engaged in bribery and intimidation between the 1920s and the 1940s.[47] After Minnesota passed a eugenics law in 1925, the proprietors of Eitel Hospital sterilized about 1,000 people at Faribault State Hospital.[48] From the end of World War I in 1918 until 1950, antisemitism was commonplace in Minneapolis—Carey McWilliams called the city the anti-Semitic capital of the United States.[49] A hate group called the Silver Legion of America held meetings in the city from 1936 to 1938.[50] In 1948, Mount Sinai Hospital opened as the city's first hospital to employ members of minority races and religions.[51][50] group of men holding pipes confronting police on street seen from above Battle between striking teamsters and police, Minneapolis general strike of 1934 During the financial downturn of the Great Depression, the violent Teamsters Strike of 1934 led to laws acknowledging workers' rights.[52] Mayor Hubert Humphrey helped the city establish fair employment practices and

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The original population of this territory were dispersed Khoisan groups. These were absorbed or pushed southwards, where residual groups still exist, by a massive influx of Bantu people who came from the north and east. The Bantu influx began around 500 BC, and some continued their migrations inside the territory well into the 20th century. They established a number of major political units, of which the most important was the Kongo Empire whose centre was located in the northwest of what today is Angola, and which stretched northwards into the west of the present Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the south and west of the contemporary Republic of Congo and even the southernmost part of Gabon. Also of historical importance were the Ndongo and Matamba kingdoms to the south of the Kongo Empire, in the Ambundu area. Additionally, the Lunda Empire, in the south-east of the present day DRC, occupied a portion of what today is north-eastern Angola. In the south of the territory, and the north of present-day Namibia, lay the Kwanyama kingdom, along with minor realms on the central highlands. All these political units were a reflection of ethnic cleavages that slowly developed among the Bantu populations, and were instrumental in consolidating these cleavages and fostering the emergence of new and distinct social identities. Portuguese colonialism At the end of the 15th century, Portuguese settlers

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The FLNC originated as the Katangese Gendarmerie, the military of the secessionist State of Katanga during the Congo Crisis. After the defeat of the Katanga Secession, many of the black Katanga troops were forced into exile in Portuguese Angola in the mid-1960s. Led by Nathaniel Mbumba,[1] they fought for the Portuguese colonial power during the Angolan War of Independence and eventually formed the FLNC in 1967. After the defeat of the Portuguese in 1974, they joined the victorious MPLA.[2] The FLNC did not have any political program other than ending Mobutu's grip on Zaire.[3] FLNC troops were said to have been trained by Cuban advisers.[4] The FLNC was formed in Angola under the leadership of Nathaniel Mbumba with the goal of expelling Mobutu Sese Seko, the leader of Zaire. Shaba I Main article: Shaba I The FLNC, numbering about 1500 people, invaded Shaba (the new name of the Katanga) from eastern Angola on 7 March 1977. Seeking to overthrow Mobutu, the FLNC quickly captured Kolwezi, Kasaji, and Mutshatsha. Mobutu appealed to William Eteki of Cameroon, Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, for assistance on 2 April. The French government airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops into Kinshasa on 10 April. The French reinforcements worked in conjunction with the Zairian Armed Forces to beat back the FLNC with air cover from Egyptian pilots flying F

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At the time, the use of such robust force against Katanga, including aircraft, artillery, and armoured vehicles, aroused much controversy.[83] Though personally dismayed by the violence as a Buddhist, Thant thought the operation was justified.[75] His reasoning for such strong action fell in line with just war theory.[83] Proponents of Katanga argued that the secessionist movement was a legitimate exercise of self-determination. Thant refuted the idea in his memoirs, listing three primary objections: first, the Congo had been admitted into the UN in 1960 as a "unified state" with the written agreement of Tshombe. Second, "no sovereign state in the world ever recognised the independence of Katanga". Third, Tshombe's government was "never able to exercise effective control" over the entirety of the province.[83] Military researcher Walter Dorn speculated that Thant may have been personally sensitive to the issue of secession, having suffered from the bloody Karen conflict in his native Burma and witnessed the consequences of the Partition of India.[86] Holding office during a time of widespread decolonisation in Africa and Asia, Thant was mindful of the precedent he was setting; recognising or encouraging secession in one country could allow it to spread to others with fractious consequences. As late as February 1970, he denounced secession, declaring that the UN "has never accepted and does not accept, and I do not believe it will ever accept, the principle of secession of a part of its Member State."[45] Thant also argued that ONUC had the enumerated authority to use force, as specified in the UN Charter and permitted by the UN Security Council in its resolutions. He maintained that Grandslam was a matter of last resort, as Tshombe had frequently gone back on his promises and decisive action was only taken after sustained Katangese aggression against UN peacekeepers.[45] Thant claimed that ONUC had used force "in self-defence under attack", though this was not strictly the case, as he had, in accordance with the Security Council resolutions, authorised UN troops to undertak

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The UN was unable to confirm reports of civilian casualties from the operation, allowing themselves to avoid much embarrassment in the press. However, statistics are ultimately unknown.[4] According to a 1966 report prepared for the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, two Belgian women were killed at a UN checkpoint at the outskirts of Jadotville by Indian peacekeepers after the male driver of the car they were in suddenly accelerated instead of stopping. The "unauthorised" shooting ostensibly "greatly embarrassed" UN officials.[5] An American journalist in Katanga at the time also supported the assertion.[6] After the operation, a local priest sent a letter to the UN in protest of "the flagrant breach by UN troops of international conventions sacred to all civilised nations." He claimed that on 29 December Irish troops had fired upon patients in a ward of the Élisabethville Union Minière hospital at close range and that Ethiopian troops had killed 70 persons whose bodies were delivered to Prince Leopold Hospital before the end of 1962. The allegations were supported by Charles J. Bauer of the United States National Catholic Welfare Council and Archbishop Joseph Cornelius of Brussels.[7] Robert Gardiner refuted both accusations in an open letter to the vicar general of the Roman Catholic archbishopric in Élisabethville. Writing on the first charge, he said that Irish troops were not even in the area at the time. Instead, he detailed that Ethiopian soldiers had stormed the hospital compound after being subjected to heavy firing from Katangese gendarmes who had dug in there. Gardiner reported that the nun on duty had said some of the patients were wearing khaki clothing similar to the gendarmes' uniforms. He conceded that one patient was shot in the leg while another received a grazing wound. Gardiner also said no protests of the presence of gendarmes was ever forwarded to the International Red Cross and that the mother superior of the hospital testified that medical authorities had been advised by Union Minière officials to refrain from taking any action against the g

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Pleased with the success of operations in Élisabethville, Chand decided to immediately carry forward with the UN's plans.[61] In the afternoon of 30 December the commander of the Swedish battalion at Kamina Air Base, Överstelöjtnant Bengt Fredman, received orders to advance upon the gendarmerie encampments in Kamina early the following morning. The gendarmes had expected an attack on 30 December, but when one failed to occur they began to drink beer and fire flares at random, possibly to boost morale. Rogue bands of gendarmes subsequently conducted random raids around the city and looted the local bank.[62] Swedish and Ghanaian troops were ordered out of Kamina Air Base the following morning at 05:20. By 06:00 they were advancing down the main road towards the town of Kamina (dubbed Kamina-ville), while a detached Swedish company took back roads to the city through Kiavie. At 06:20 the company spearheading the advance came under heavy machine gun and mortar fire from the Katangese two or three kilometers northeast of Kamina and was ordered by Major Sture Fagerström to retreat 600 meters. The Swedes took cover and regrouped while Fredman organised an armoured car unit. He arrived at the front lines at 07:05 and the peacekeepers began their attack. Supported with mortars, a combat patrol advanced down the road and by 07:55 it had broken through the gendarmerie's defences. Swedish medics attended to the wounded Katangese that were left behind while the rest of the forces began entering the city.[62] The Katangese Gendamerie conducted a disorganised withdrawal to two camps southeast of Kamina. Shortly after the 09:00 the Swedish battalion reached the city center. Patrols slowly mopped up resistance and took several prisoners. J 29 jets flew low to the ground to intimidate the remaining gendarmes and were hit by small arms fire in return. At 09:55 the Swedish troops attacked the nearest gendarmerie camp, encountering only sporadic resistance. At 13:00 they secured the second camp unopposed, as the remaining Katangese had fled. The Swedes commandeered it and began working with municipal authorities to stabilise the local situation. Sustaining no casualties, the Swe

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Early on 29 December, the ONUC Air Division launched a surprise assault on the Kolwezi airfield. The J 29 fighter jets strafed with their 20mm cannons, as their 13.5mm rockets were inoperable in the overcast skies. Five fuel dumps and the local administrative building were destroyed.[44] To prevent civilian casualties, ONUC did not target the Kolwezi civilian airport.[43] Katangese Air Force Commander Jeremiah Puren had, however, managed to evacuate six Harvard trainers before the attack occurred. Mercenary Jan Zumbach remained with the other portion of the air force in Portuguese Angola and did not intervene, infuriating Puren, who was ordered by General Muke to fall back to Jadotville. For the rest of the campaign most of the Katangese Air Force remained grounded, as Puren feared his Harvards would perform poorly against the UN's faster J 29 jets.[58] Anti-aircraft fire damaged three UN planes at Kolwezi, but their attacks nonetheless continued throughout the day and were extended to other Katangese airfields,[44] such as those at Kamatanda and Ngule.[4] Three further UN reconnaissance missions resulted in the destruction of six Katangese aircraft on the ground and one further kill, possibly in the air.[44] According to the UN, the air raids against the Kantangese Air Force were completed "without loss of life" on either side.[49] Destroying so much of the Katangese Air Force at the onset of the operation was key for the UN to succeed; if Katanga were able to launch coordinated air attacks against UN supply airlifts, Grandslam would likely fail.[59] At midday Ethiopian units advanced down the Kipushi road to sever the Katangese lines to Rhodesia. Gendarmes were well positioned in wooded heights overlooking the route, but following heavy mortar bombardment they surrendered with little opposition. Irish troops, detailed for the purpose because they spoke English and could communicate with Rhodesian border guards, then passed through at night and seized the town of Kipushi[60] without facing any resistance. Gardiner, holding a press conference on the matter in Léopoldville, jubilantly declared, "[W]e are not going to make the mistake of stopping short this time. This is going to be as decisive as we can make it."[50] Tshombe ordered his troops to offer determined resistance to ONUC and threatened to have bridges and dams blown up if the operation was not halted within 24 hours.[46] By 30 December, all the objectives for the first phase o