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In Kyiv, Vedel returned to leading the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy choir. Among the famous choirs in the city at that time was one belonging to General Andrei Levanidov at the Kyiv headquarters of the Ukrainian infantry regiment. From early 1794, Levanidov acquired Vedel's services to lead the regimental chapel and the children's choir. Levanidov, who valued and respected Vedel as a composer and a musician, was able to act as an influential patron—the years from 1794 to 1798 saw the zenith of Vedel's musical creativity.[9][16] From 1793 to 1794 he directed the choirs of both the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and his patron.[19] He was rapidly promoted within the army; on 1 March 1794 he was appointed as a staff clerk, and on 27 April 1795 he became a junior adjutant.[9] On 13 March 1796, Levanidov was appointed as Governor General of the Kharkiv Governorate.[20] The composer moved to Kharkiv, along with his best musicians. In Kharkov (now Kharkiv, Ukraine) Vedel organised a new gubernia (governorate) choir and orchestra, and taught singing and music at the Kharkiv Collegium,[8] which was second only to the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy in terms of its curriculum.[18] The music class at the Kharkiv Collegium was first recorded in 1798, when in January that year two canons and a choral concerto by Vedel were performed.[21] Vedel did much of his composing during this period.[8] Works included the concerts "Resurrect God" and "Hear the Lord my voice" (dated 6 October 1796) and the two-choir concerto "The Lord passes me". The composer and his works were highly valued in Kharkiv; his concerts were studied and performed at the Kharkiv Collegium, and they were sung in churches. Bortniansky, who conducted the S

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In December 1796, on the orders of Tsar Paul I, the Kharkiv Governorate was abolished, and was replaced by the newly created Sloboda Ukrainian Governorate.[22] Levanidov was dismissed on 9 January 1797,[23] when his corps was disbanded by Paul I, and he left Kharkiv. Paul I decreed that all regimental chapels were to be abolished, which caused Vedel to resign from the army in October 1797. He worked as a musician for the governor of the new province, Aleksey Teplov [ru]. Teplov, who as a young man had received an excellent musical education, treated Vedel as well as he could.[9] The tsar's decrees caused the cultural and artistic life of Kharkiv to decline. The city's theatre was closed, and its choirs and orchestras were dissolved. Performances of Vedel's works in churches were banned,[9] as the tsar had prohibited singing in churches of any form of music except during the Divine Liturgy.[24] The loss of Levanidov's support caused Vedel to become deeply depressed.[24] Despite the support he received from Teplov, Vedel decided to leave Kharkiv. He distributed his belongings (including all his manuscripts),[14] and the end of the summer of 1798 he returned to live at his parents' house in Kyiv. There he wrote two choral concertos, "God, the law-breaker of the rebellion against me" (11 November 1798) and "To the Lord we always mourn". The concertos were performed in the Epiphany Cathedral [uk] and St Sophia Cathedral in the city

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etween October 1944 and March 1945 V-1 flying bombs struck Antwerp nearly every day, with 150 striking the port area.[97] Three anti-aircraft brigades were deployed to defend the city under the command of Brigadier General Clare H. Armstrong.[95] The possibility of a V-weapon striking an ammunition ship was taken seriously enough to ban ammunition ships from Antwerp. Ammunition, except some for the anti-aircraft guns around Antwerp, was unloaded at Cherbourg or Le Havre. The danger was real enough: on 8 January a V-2 rocket struck pier 123 about 50 yards (46 m) from the American freighter SS Blenheim. Twenty of those on board were injured, and the ship was so badly damaged that nearly a month was required to effect repairs to enable it to sail. A week later, another V-2 hit berth 218 and badly damaged the Liberty ship Michael de Kovats, injuring three on board and killing a soldier on the pier.[98] V-weapons were also used against the depots around Liège between November 1944 and March 1945. One that struck a fuel dump on 17 December started a fire that consumed 400,000 US gallons (1,500,000 L) of gasoline, and another on 21 December destroyed or badly damaged fourteen railway cars and set fire to six others. Some of the burning cars contained bags of mail from home, which were hastily unloaded.[99] Antwerp was capable of handling far more than the allotted 40,000 long tons (41,000 t) a day; the limiting factor was clearance. Before the war, Antwerp had been a transit port, and it did not possess large amounts of covered storage space. What there was, was taken over by the British, as Antwerp was the logical site for the 21st Army Group's base installations. The Americans were allocated only a small amount of storage space, none of which was covered, on the assumption that American supplies would immediately be moved to the depots around Liè

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The city had a huge influx of French and British immigrants in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Some eighteen thousand Saint Dominican refugees, both ethnic French whites and free people of color, and African freedmen, came from Saint-Domingue in the summer of 1803 during the last days of the Haitian slave revolt, which had started in 1791.[5] Other refugees had emigrated from Saint-Domingue earlier in the revolution. Haiti declared its independence as a republic in 1804. The French were withdrawing surviving troops after suffering heavy losses from warfare and yellow fever. The immigrants, who included freedmen as France had abolished slavery on Saint-Domingue, struggled to maintain their freedom in Cuba, which was still a slave society. Cuba initially allowed only white refugees, women of color, children, and loyal "domestics" to land; French troops and all men of color over the age of thirteen were held off shore, to be rapidly deported to the mainland, as they were considered a revolutionary threat.[5] Some French soldiers joined other refugees in Charleston, South Carolina, or New York City; others went to New Orleans. The refugees who stayed added to the city's eclectic cultural mix, already rich with Spanish and African culture. Some of the women and children were impressed into slavery again, although they had been free. In 1809, after Napoleon Bonaparte's forces invaded Spain, French citizens were ordered out of Cuba.[6] Most went to the United States, and thousands settled in New Orleans, with the freedmen increasing its African culture, as most had been born in Africa. The ethnic French whites and free people of color, generally with longer ti

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Early in 1799, frustrated by the lack of opportunities to compose and teach and possibly suffering from a form of mental illness, Vedel enrolled as a novice monk at the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra.[9][24] He was an active member of the community and was respected by the monks for his asceticism.[24] According to Turcaninov's biography, the Metropolitan of Kyiv commissioned Vedel to write a song of praise in honour of a royal visit to Kyiv, but Vedel instead wrote a letter to the tsar, probably of a political nature. Vedel was arrested in Okhtyrka, pronounced insane, and returned to Kyiv.[24] Vedel returned to live with his father in an attempt to regain his mental health. Back home in Kyiv, he was able to compose, read, and play the violin, and he may have returned to teach at the Kyiv Academy.[25] By leaving the monastery before his training was completed, Vedel may have angered Hierotheus, the Metropolitan bishop. When the monastery authorities discovered a book containing handwritten insults about the royal family, the Metropolitan accused Vedel of writing in the book. He dismissed Vedel's servants, and personally detained him. On 25 May 1799, Hierotheus declared that Vedel was mentally ill.[9] Imprisonment and death painting of a monastery St. Cyril's Monastery, Kyiv, as depicted in an 1843 watercolour painting According to Kuk, the official documents relating to Vedel's case show that he was never formally arrested or charged, and that he was never questioned by the authorities or given the opportunity to defend himself. Vedel's case was referred in turn from the governor of Kyiv to th

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Artemy Lukyanovich Vedel was born in Kyiv in the Russian Empire, probably on 13 April 1767.[8][note 3] He was the only son of Lukyan Vlasovych Vedelsky and his wife Elena or Olena Hryhorivna Vedelsky.[9][10] The family lived in Podil, the old trading and crafts centre of Kyiv, in the parish of the St Boris and St Gleb's Church [uk]. Their house stood on what is now the corner between Bratska Street [uk] and Andriivska Street; Artemy lived there throughout his childhood.[9] Almost half of the population of Kyiv lived in Podil.[11] which was one of the three walled settlements that formed the city, along with Old Kyiv and Pechersk.[12][note 4] The Vedelsky family adhered strictly to the Orthodox faith.[5] Lukyan Vlasovich Vedelsky was a wealthy carver of wooden iconostases, who owned his own workshop. The name Vedel, probably an abbreviated form of Vedelsky, was how the composer signed his letters, and named himself in military documents. His father signed himself "Kyiv citizen Lukyan Vedelsky".[9][note 5] Early years in Kyiv Vedel was a boy chorister in the Eparchial (bishop's) choir in Kyiv.[14] He studied at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, where his teachers included the Italian Giuseppe Sarti,[15] who spent 18 years as an operatic composer in the Russian Empire.[16] By the end of the 18th century, most of the students attending the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy were preparing for the priesthood. It was at that time the oldest and most influential higher education institution in the Russian Empire; most of the country's leading academics were originally graduates of the academy.[17] Vedel attended the academy until 1787. After that he studied philosophy and music, and began composing as a student of Potemkin's Musical Academy. Whilst studying the advanced philosophy course, he was appointed as the conductor of the academy's choir—the academy provided extensive programmes for the training of choral singers[18]—and conducted the student orchestra. He also performed as a solo violinist.[9][16] He studied the academy's theoretical books on music, and became acquainted with t

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second busiest port in Belgium after Antwerp. Although captured in September 1944, it had not figured in Allied logistical planning, as Antwerp was considered sufficient. The intensity of the German V-weapon attacks had brought about a reconsideration, and it was decided to activate Ghent as a backup in case Antwerp was temporarily put out of action. Ghent had not been badly damaged, but some bridges had been demolished, the lock gates had been damaged, cranes had been removed and there were some sunken ships. The administration of the port was similar to that of Antwerp, with a port executive committee. Tonnage capacity was divided, with 5,000 long tons (5,100 t) per day for the British and 7,500 long tons (7,600 t) for the Americans. The American sector was operated by the US 17th Port.[104] Ghent had only been used by the Germans for barge traffic, so bringing it into operation required dredging 450,000 long tons (460,000 t) of sand and aggregate. This was carried out by the US Army hopper dredge W. L. Marshall, which had previously been engaged in dredging the Scheldt, and had several doors blown off by near misses by V-1s and V-2s. As it turned out, the 57-foot (17 m) beam of a Liberty ship could just pass through the Terneuzen locks. The first US Liberty ship to do so, the Hannis Taylor, reached Ghent on 23 January. The port was used for both Liberties and coasters. In its first month of operation, Ghent unloaded only 2,500 long tons (2,500 t) per day, but it was handling twice that by March

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Constitutionally, the USSR was a federation of constituent Union Republics, which were either unitary states, such as Ukraine or Byelorussia (SSRs), or federations, such as Russia or Transcaucasia (SFSRs),[122] all four being the founding republics who signed the Treaty on the Creation of the USSR in December 1922. In 1924, during the national delimitation in Central Asia, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan were formed from parts of Russia's Turkestan ASSR and two Soviet dependencies, the Khorezm and Bukharan SSRs. In 1929, Tajikistan was split off from the Uzbekistan SSR. With the constitution of 1936, the Transcaucasian SFSR was dissolved, resulting in its constituent republics of Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan being elevated to Union Republics, while Kazakhstan and Kirghizia were split off from Russian SFSR, resulting in the same status.[153] In August 1940, Moldavia was formed from parts of Ukraine and Bessarabia and Ukrainian SSR. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania (SSRs) were also admitted into the union which was not recognized by most of the international community and was considered an illegal occupation. Karelia was split off from Russia as a Union Republic in March 1940 and was reabsorbed in 1956. Between July 1956 and September 1991, there were 15 union republics (see map below).[154] While nominally a union of equals, in practice the Soviet Union was dominated by Russians. The domination was so absolute that for most of its existence, the country was commonly (but incorrectly) referred to as 'Russia'. While the RSFSR was technically only one republic within the larger union, it was by far the largest (both in terms of population and area), most powerful, and most highly developed. The RSFSR was also the industrial center of the Soviet Union. Historian Matthew White wrote that it was an open secret that the country's federal structure was 'window dressing' for Russian dominance. For that reason, the people of the USSR were usually called 'Russians', not 'Soviets', since 'everyone knew who really ran the sh

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The analysis of the succession of states for the 15 post-Soviet states is complex. The Russian Federation is seen as the legal continuator state and is for most purposes the heir to the Soviet Union. It retained ownership of all former Soviet embassy properties, and also inherited the Soviet Union's UN membership, with its permanent seat on the Security Council. Of the two other co-founding states of the USSR at the time of the dissolution, Ukraine was the only one that had passed laws, similar to Russia, that it is a state-successor of both the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR.[98] Soviet treaties laid groundwork for Ukraine's future foreign agreements as well as leading to the country agreeing to undertake 16.37% of debts of the Soviet Union for which it was going to receive its share of the USSR's foreign property. Russia's position as the 'only continuation of the USSR' that became widely accepted in the West, as well as constant pressure from the Western countries, allowed Russia to dispose state property of USSR abroad and conceal information about it. Due to that Ukraine never ratified 'zero option' agreement that Russian Federation had signed with other former Soviet republics, as it denied disclosing of information about Soviet Gold Reserves and its Diamond Fund.[99][100] The dispute over former Soviet property and assets between the two former republics is still ongoing: The conflict is unsolvable. We can continue to poke Kiev handouts in the calculation of 'solve the problem', only it won't be solved. Going to a trial is also pointless: for a number of European countries this is a political issue, and they will make a decision clearly in whose favor. What to do in this situation is an open question. Search for non-trivial solutions. But we must remember that in 2014, with the filing of the then Ukrainian Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, litigation with Russia resumed in 32 co

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The constitution, which was promulgated in 1924, 1936 and 1977,[140] did not limit state power. No formal separation of powers existed between the Party, Supreme Soviet and Council of Ministers[141] that represented executive and legislative branches of the government. The system was governed less by statute than by informal conventions, and no settled mechanism of leadership succession existed. Bitter and at times deadly power struggles took place in the Politburo after the deaths of Lenin[142] and Stalin,[143] as well as after Khrushchev's dismissal,[144] itself due to a decision by both the Politburo and the Central Committee.[145] All leaders of the Communist Party before Gorbachev died in office, except Georgy Malenkov[146] and Khrushchev, both dismissed from the party leadership amid internal struggle within the party.[145] Between 1988 and 1990, facing considerable opposition, Mikhail Gorbachev enacted reforms shifting power away from the highest bodies of the party and making the Supreme Soviet less dependent on them. The Congress of People's Deputies was established, the majority of whose members were directly elected in competitive elections held in March 1989. The Congress now elected the Supreme Soviet, which became a full-time parliament, and much stronger than before. For the first time since the 1920s, it refused to rubber stamp proposals from the party and Council of Ministers.[147] In 1990, Gorbachev introduced and assumed the position of the President of the Soviet Union, concentrated power in his executive office, independent of t/div>

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The Supreme Soviet (successor of the Congress of Soviets) was nominally the highest state body for most of the Soviet history,[131] at first acting as a rubber stamp institution, approving and implementing all decisions made by the party. However, its powers and functions were extended in the late 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, including the creation of new state commissions and committees. It gained additional powers relating to the approval of the Five-Year Plans and the government budget.[132] The Supreme Soviet elected a Presidium (successor of the Central Executive Committee) to wield its power between plenary sessions,[133] ordinarily held twice a year, and appointed the Supreme Court,[134] the Procurator General[135] and the Council of Ministers (known before 1946 as the Council of People's Commissars), headed by the Chairman (Premier) and managing an enormous bureaucracy responsible for the administration of the economy and society.[133] State and party structures of the constituent republics largely emulated the structure of the central institutions, although the Russian SFSR, unlike the other constituent republics, for most of its history had no republican branch of the CPSU, being ruled directly by the union-wide party until 1990. Local authorities were organized likewise into party committees, local Soviets and executive committees. While the state system was nominally federal, the party was unitary.[136] The state security police (the KGB and its predecessor agencies) played an important role in Soviet politics. It was instrumental in the Great Purge,[137] but was brought under strict party control after Stalin's death. Under Yuri Andropov, the KGB engaged in the suppression of political dissent and maintained an extensive network of informers, reasserting itself as a political actor to some extent independent of the party-state structure,[138] culminating in the anti-corruption campaign targeting high-ranking party officials in the late 1970s and ea

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The dissolution was followed by a severe drop in economic and social conditions in post-Soviet states,[72][73] including a rapid increase in poverty,[74][75][76][77] crime,[78] corruption,[79][80] unemployment,[81][82] homelessness,[83][84] rates of disease,[85][86][87] infant mortality and domestic violence,[88] as well as demographic losses,[89] income inequality and the rise of an oligarchical class,[90][74] along with decreases in calorie intake, life expectancy, adult literacy, and income.[91] Between 1988 and 1989 and 1993–1995, the Gini ratio increased by an average of 9 points for all former socialist countries.[74] The economic shocks that accompanied wholesale privatization were associated with sharp increases in mortality.[92] Data shows Russia, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia saw a tripling of unemployment and a 42% increase in male death rates between 1991 and 1994.[93][94] In the following decades, only five or six of the post-communist states are on a path to joining the wealthy capitalist West while most are falling behind, some to such an extent that it will take over fifty years to catch up to where they were before the fall of the Soviet Bloc.[95][96] In summing up the international ramifications of these events, Vladislav Zubok stated: 'The collapse of the Soviet empire was an event of epochal geopolitical, military, ideological, and economic significance.'[97] Before the dissolution, the country had maintained its status as one of the world's two superpowers for four decades after World War II through its hegemony in Eastern Europe, military strength, economic strength and scientific research, especially in space technology and weapon